Millions stand behind me!
Millions Stand Behind Me!

There is great unrest over the meeting between Müller Milch billionaire Theo Müller and full-time fascist Alice Weidel.
The bourgeois moralistic press is deeply shocked; our good billionaires and the AfD? What do yogurt capitalists have to do with Nazis?
The whole thing, including the bourgeois indignation, seems like a big historical déjà-vu.
To understand the current development of fascistoid forces here, it is first necessary to have a fundamental understanding of fascism itself.
Dimitroff’s Theory of Fascism
Georgi Dimitroff (Dimitrow) was General Secretary of the Comintern from 1935 to 1943 and subsequently Prime Minister of Bulgaria until 1949.
Dimitroff’s most significant extension of Marxism was his theory of fascism, also known as the Dimitroff Thesis, which he defined in 1935 as follows:
„Fascism (…) is the open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, chauvinistic, and imperialist elements of financial capital“.
Dimitroff characterizes fascism not as a fundamentally new system, but as “the replacement of one form of state rule by the bourgeoisie – bourgeois democracy – with another form – the open terrorist dictatorship (of the bourgeoisie)“.
As we know from fascist elements here, fascism “appears under the guise of a protector of the insulted nation and appeals to wounded national pride”, it “captures the disappointed masses in the interest of the most reactionary circles of the bourgeoisie, who turn away from the old bourgeois parties. But it impresses these masses through the violence of its attacks against bourgeois governments, through its uncompromising stance against the old bourgeois parties.”
According to Dimitroff, fascism is thus the reaction of the most aggressive imperialist forces to economic crises and class consciousness – in short; the threat to their capital accumulation – which they can no longer manage through mild capitalism and bourgeois democracy, and therefore must secure their political monopoly through terror, chauvinism, and hatred.
Capital and Fascism
The former Chancellor of the Zentrum Party, Heinrich Brüning, wrote in ’37 in a letter to Churchill:
„Hitler’s true rise began only in 1929, when German big industry and others refused to continue funding patriotic organizations (…) In his view, these organizations were too progressive socially. They were glad that Hitler wanted to radically disenfranchise the workers. The financial contributions they withheld from other organizations flowed to Hitler’s organization. This is, of course, the usual beginning of fascism everywhere.“
Dimitroff’s thesis was confirmed at the latest by Hitler’s speech before the Düsseldorf Industry Club on January 26, 1932, where Hitler, before about 500 industrialists including Fritz Thyssen, Jost Henkell, Albert Vögler – i.e., the most important representatives of German industry – presented his plan for the revival of the German economy, including Lebensraum in the East, Jewish forced labor, and strengthening the German domestic market; “The words of thanks, (…) made it clear that Hitler spoke from the heart.”
German capital, in order to secure its capital accumulation, financed, promoted, and brought to power the German fascism as the most radical representation of their interests.
This assessment is not dogmatic, purely Marxist (“It is not my fault that reality is Marxist”) – it is empirically correct and is supported at least in parts by all historians.
Fodder for Thought
Radical anti-communism, ending costly sanctions against Russia, less workers’ protection and union involvement, ending citizen’s income and many other state benefits, lower taxes for top earners – the dream of every capitalist – all under the guise of right-wing extremist nationalist xenophobia – also means less social spending.
Above all, this disguise prevents the people from starting to look upwards instead of downwards.
The fascists love the capitalists, almost as much as the capitalists love the fascists – one hand washes the other.